Second El Alamein: Episode 11 — 23 October
On the night of 23 October 1942, the desert around El Alamein erupted with the opening of Montgomery’s long-prepared offensive. For weeks, the Eighth Army had gathered strength behind camouflage, rehearsed its movements, and waited for the moment when planning would become combat. Now hundreds of guns opened fire, infantry formed up in darkness, engineers moved toward the minefields, and armored crews listened for the orders that would send them forward. The moment has often been remembered as grand and decisive, and in one sense it was. Yet its true importance lies in the contrast between spectacle and reality. El Alamein began with an immense display of organized firepower, but almost immediately became close, difficult, dangerous work by men trying to keep direction in the dark.
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Before the barrage, the battlefield was tense rather than silent. Soldiers knew that the attack was coming, even if many did not know the full design. Ammunition had been stacked, guns registered, lanes planned, watches checked, and units briefed as far as security allowed. Men waited in slit trenches, assembly areas, gun positions, and vehicles, each part of the army connected to the same timetable but facing a different kind of danger. Infantrymen had to cross minefields and wire. Gunners had to deliver planned fire with precision. Engineers had to follow into the most hazardous ground. Tank crews had to be ready to move through lanes that did not yet exist. The offensive began before the first shell fell, in the strain of disciplined waiting.
When the artillery opened, it announced the scale of the Eighth Army Montgomery had built. The first fires struck enemy batteries and command systems, aiming to reduce the Axis ability to answer. Then the barrage shifted to support the infantry advance, turning the night into a landscape of flashes, concussion, dust, and smoke. For men watching from behind the line, it could seem almost ceremonial, the visible release of weeks of preparation. For the defenders under it, the experience was violent, disorienting, and deadly, though not always physically destructive enough to silence every position. Dugouts, gun pits, and hardened troops could survive a barrage. Artillery created opportunity, not certainty, and the infantry still had to step forward into the spaces the guns had shaken.
The main infantry assault in the north belonged to XXX Corps, whose divisions advanced toward the Axis mine belts and forward defenses. The Australians moved on one part of the northern sector, while other Commonwealth and British formations attacked across neighboring stretches of the front. The exact unit boundaries mattered to commanders, but for the listener the essential movement is simpler. Across a broad northern front, men moved from east to west into the enemy line, with the sea behind the northern flank and the deeper desert stretching away to the south. Their task was to penetrate the defensive crust, seize objectives beyond the first minefields, and open the way for the armor waiting behind them. It was a night advance into a prepared position, not a charge across empty sand.
The infantry advance demanded navigation as much as courage. In darkness, a ridge could disappear, a compass bearing could drift, and the noise of the barrage could make spoken control almost useless. Units had to keep alignment while moving through wire, shell holes, minefield gaps, and enemy fire. If one battalion lost direction, it could expose a neighbor or miss the ground it had to hold. If troops moved too slowly, the barrage could leave them behind. If they moved too quickly, they could enter danger before the artillery had done its work. Night protected the attackers from some observation, but it also made every task more uncertain. The first hours of El Alamein were therefore a battle against confusion as well as against the Axis defenders.
Engineers followed close to the infantry, and their work turned the plan called Lightfoot into a test of nerve and detail. Minefields had to be probed, marked, cleared, and widened while the battle continued around them. The lanes had to be clear enough not only for a few men to pass, but for guns, anti-tank weapons, trucks, and eventually armored formations. Markers had to be visible enough for drivers in darkness and dust, yet the enemy was firing into the same areas. A single missed mine could disable a vehicle and block a route. A single blocked route could delay dozens more. The engineers’ work was slow, exposed, and absolutely central, because every tank waiting behind the line depended on their progress.
The Axis defenders were shaken, but they were not helpless. German and Italian troops held a deep defensive system built to survive bombardment and punish movement. Some communications were cut, some batteries were suppressed, and some forward positions were overwhelmed, but other guns remained active. Anti-tank crews waited for the moment when British armor would appear in predictable lanes. Infantry strongpoints resisted, sometimes isolated and sometimes still connected to nearby positions. The Axis defense had depth, and depth is what turns an attack into a process rather than an event. The Eighth Army could break into the line in places, but every yard gained had to be held against men who knew the ground and understood that delay favored the defense.
Farther south, XIII Corps also attacked, helping to stretch Axis attention and reinforce the impression that the whole front was under threat. This southern effort was not expected to deliver the main decision in the same way as the northern assault, but it mattered because Rommel’s army had to judge where the danger was greatest. In a battle of limited fuel and reserves, uncertainty could be costly. If Axis commanders held strength too far south, the northern attack might gain time. If they shifted too quickly, they risked uncovering another sector. Montgomery’s plan relied not only on physical penetration but on forcing the enemy to make decisions in darkness and confusion. The southern attack was part of that pressure.
Behind the infantry, the armored formations waited for news that the lanes were ready. This waiting was not passive. Engines had to be started, columns organized, intervals maintained, and orders passed down through crowded routes. Tank crews knew that once they began moving, they might enter narrow corridors bordered by uncleared mines. They also knew that anti-tank guns would be looking for exactly those corridors. The frustration of the opening night began here. The infantry could make progress, and engineers could open parts of the mine belts, but the movement of armor required more width, clarity, and traffic control than the battlefield easily allowed. The great armored blow remained dependent on fragile passages cut through a defended landscape.
As the night wore on, reports became both necessary and unreliable. Headquarters needed to know which objectives had been reached, where lanes were open, where resistance remained, and whether armor could move forward. But reports from battle often arrived late, incomplete, or too optimistic. A position might be taken but not secure. A lane might be started but not usable. A battalion might be near its objective but not exactly on it. Commanders had to interpret fragments while the timetable continued to run. This is a central truth of battle that neat maps can hide. Decisions at El Alamein were made not with perfect knowledge, but with partial signals from a front lit by gunfire and obscured by dust.
The human cost appeared immediately. Men were hit by shellfire before seeing an enemy. Engineers were wounded while working on mines. Infantry sections lost contact with one another in darkness. Medical orderlies and stretcher-bearers began the long labor of moving casualties back through routes that were themselves dangerous and confusing. Tank crews sat in steel compartments waiting to move, then lurched forward into congestion, mines, and sudden fire. The violence of 23 October should not be reduced to a triumphant opening scene. It was the beginning of days of fear, exhaustion, and uncertainty. The Eighth Army had the advantage in preparation and weight, but advantage did not spare the men at the front from the intimate dangers of the battlefield.
By dawn, the offensive had achieved something real but incomplete. The Eighth Army had broken into parts of the Axis defensive system, and the opening barrage had announced that Montgomery’s army could deliver organized force on a scale Rommel could not match indefinitely. Yet the armor had not swept cleanly through into open country, and the minefields had done what they were designed to do: slow, channel, and confuse. The battle had begun as planned, but it had not unfolded as imagined. This did not mean failure. It meant that El Alamein would be decided not by one night of fire, but by the army’s ability to keep pressing after the first plan met resistance.
The night of 23 October stands as the threshold between preparation and the grinding reality of battle. Operation Bertram had hidden the build-up, Lightfoot had designed the sequence, and the Eighth Army had gathered the strength to make the attack possible. But once the infantry stepped into the dark and the engineers entered the Devil’s Gardens, the battle became a test of endurance and adaptation. The spectacle of the barrage mattered, but the outcome depended on lanes, bearings, small-unit leadership, anti-tank guns, supply movement, and the will to continue when progress became slower than expected. El Alamein had opened with thunder. It would be won, if it was won, by men and machines pushing through the difficult hours after the thunder faded.
